Saturday, July 16, 2011

Speaker vs Listener-based Sound Change

Speaker-caused vs. Listener-caused Sound Change
Camille X has presented me with some examples of sound change which require a more careful ‘parsing’ of the word ‘cause’.  (Apparently we have stumbled into a domain with deep philosophical and metaphysical implications:  http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/causation-metaphysics/  ).  But let me try to simplify this by invoking the legal concepts of ‘murder’ as opposed ‘(involuntary) manslaughter’.  In both cases the result is a dead person and the one who *caused* that person to be dead.  A person is guilty of murder if they intentionally caused the death; the charge of involuntary manslaughter applies if that person caused the death but without intention (e.g., through negligence).  The legal consequences, of course, are very different.   A similar distinction applies when talking about sound change (though, thankfully, there are no legal consequences).
Even though there are sound changes such as stop emergence (e.g., Thompson from Thom + son)  that are ‘caused’ by speakers (due to premature velic closure  and glottal abduction) during the latter portion of the nasal  they are responsible only of ‘involuntarily’ creating conditions which might lead to sound change.  But in our domain (as opposed to the legal domain), the listener also can be said to have ‘caused’ the sound change because she failed to engage the usual ‘normaliazation’ or ‘correction’ processes which allow for the discounting of the emergent stop in the stated environment.  So who is to blame?  In my view, neither party is to blame.  This is why I have referred to such sound changes as due to ‘innocent misapprehensions’.   Neither the speaker nor the listener intended for a new pronunciation norm to be created; it emerged from explicable and blameless actions of both.
As in homicide cases, this example can be parsed in more detail.  If we are partitioning ‘cause’ between the speaker and listener we might also assign less of the ‘total cause’ to the speaker because she might plead that she was counting on the listener to be able to use the expected normalization or corrective measures to recover her (the speaker’s) intended pronunciation.  And ultimately in this case where one might have a chain of causal events, the listener was the last possible ‘filter’ that could have prevented the sound change.  This is why I have labeled such sound changes as ‘listener based’.
In the same class would be cases of stop affrication before high, close, vowels, as well as cases where the speaker tries to overecome  the Aerodynamic Voicing Constraint by implementing implosion, retroflexion of apicals, pre-nasalization, or ATR (Advanced Tongue Root).   
In a different class would be sound changes where the speaker can be considered to have made her articulations in a way that adhered to the canonical pronunciation but, due to physical physiological, or acoustic constraints, the output signal was ambiguous.  This happens in some cases of sound change involving labial-velar (doubly articulated consonants like /w, kp, gb, ŋm/ and to some cases of palatalized or labialized consonants [to be treated in later lectures]
In all these cases, though, it is the listener’s blameless error that introduces a new pronunciation norm, i.e., what I have referred to as a ‘mini-sound change’.  Why is this important?  Two reasons:
1)        It undermines claims that speakers introduce a new pronunciation error due to either laziness (ease of articulation, also termed ‘lenition’) or hyperarticulation (to make things clearer for the listener, also termed ‘fortition’).  These are teleological explanations, i.e., they attribute to the speaker some goal, some purpose.  If speakers had such freedom to change pronunciation norms then sound change would occur more rapidly and more often than is the case, and would suggest that they have no compelling interest in communicating with others in their speech community.
2)      Attributing sound change to lenition or fortition is done without much (any?) empirical evidence.  They are like game pieces, played at will. 
Why am I pushing the idea of listener-based sound change?    
1)       A wider range of sound changes may be explained by this theory and furthermore, empirical evidence for this account may be (and has been) obtained through controlled experimental work.
2)      It characterizes sound change as non-teleological and thus re-affirms the fundamental principle that we speak in order to communicate (and this requires adhering to the pronunciation norms of the speech community).  Sound change, therefore, is rare.

4 comments:

  1. I wasn't able to open the links from July 14th. On the first two I was told they didn't exist and for the third that Google couldn't or wouldn't get it for me. I never exclude user error as the explanation for these kinds of problems but I can't figure out what the problem is:

    https://docs.google.com/leaf?id=0B09lW9XhoFydM2FiZWQ4MGYtMTdmMC00NmJiLWE3ZDAtM2MyN2U2M2FmYjM3&hl=en_US/

    https://docs.google.com/leaf?id=0B09lW9XhoFydMDkxOWVjYmQtYjJkNS00ZTgwLTlmNTYtOTE0MzFlNjE5MWI3&hl=en_US

    https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&pid=explorer&chrome=true&srcid=0B09lW9XhoFydYmYyOWVhNTItNzYxMi00OTNkLTlkZDgtOTI3N2ZkOTFjNDI4&hl=en_US

    The two links in the assignment got the same sound file, they do appear to be identical:

    https://docs.google.com/leaf?id=0B09lW9XhoFydOGNhMWRiYWUtZGI3ZS00ZjNhLWI0OTEtYTU0ODY1NTJmYTk2&hl=en_US

    https://docs.google.com/leaf?id=0B09lW9XhoFydOGNhMWRiYWUtZGI3ZS00ZjNhLWI0OTEtYTU0ODY1NTJmYTk2&hl=en_US

    I was wondering if we might get different results for your experiment of having speakers repeat supposedly misheard items if we embedded the items in sentences. My thinking is that when one presents a subject with a list of words he will pronounce them in a careful, fully articulated fashion, and in general lists of words are rather artificial.

    So instead have the subject read a sentence:

    Oh, so I guess I have to get a new bit/bid.

    Then the computer would inform him that the "listener" had mis-heard the sentence in a particular way (we'd have some "mis-hearings" that were not what we're after) and he'd be asked to pronounce the sentence again.

    Your arguments against the usual teleological formulations of sound change: laziness & its opposite, hyper articulation are quite convincing (wait, I should be more skeptical!) but I'm still convinced that social factors can play a huge role. The incrementation that sociolinguists report finding; the distance that certain vowels appear to have travelled in a span of a couple of generations both seem to point towards speakers' (subconscious) modification of the pronunciation of certain sounds in a specific direction, e.g. raising the vowel in "bad" from a putative starting point of [æ] up to [iə].

    Now you are specifically interested in the actuation of a change, not its transmission. In these sociolinguistic situations I'm alluding to the actuation may be rather elusive. The social meaning of such a change might be: younger speakers pronounce the vowel higher. But how might such a social meaning come to be attached to this specific sound? Should we strictly separate the two: recognize that a particular sound change may acquire a social meaning which may then cause the change to spread widely but regard this as linguistically completely arbitrary and choose to focus on the original phonetic change and its possible sources? Or would that mean we were missing a lot of the action, a lot of the sound changes that have shaped the world's languages. AND, does a strict separation between actuation & transmission really work? I'm not actually sure where i'm trying to go with this...

    When sociolinguists do look for the origination they tend to posit structural factors in phonological space, gaps, asymmetries and such. Nothing new there. I don't recall you specifically addressing these kinds of explanation but I wouldn't expect you to be very positive. How could such claims be tested in a rigorous fashion. I guess I'll try to think of a way.

    Jack Toner

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  2. I am not sure i agree with the claim that sound change is rare. As speakers we deal with an enormous amount of variation in the speech that we encounter. The countless varieties of English alone would seem to serve as evidence that the way we produce speech is in constant flux. Presumably they all have their genesis in a single variety of English (which itself evolved from some previous variety of Anglo-Saxon something or other), but some varieties have changed so much that they are almost unintelligible to speakers of other varieties. Even in the United States, which has a relatively short history of English speakers, at least a handful of distinct varieties have emerged, with many more idiosyncratic differences that vary by region but don't quite constitute a separate dialect. All these tiny changes would seem to be constantly pushing toward more drastic change, but even a minute change is still a change. So, change is actually ubiquitous in language, rather than rare.

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  3. Thank you for clearing that up. As is often the case, it all comes down to a definition--in this case, the definition of "cause". Your explanation reminds me of the way insurance companies assign blame for car accidents. Of course, in the interest of communication neither party intends to produce a sound change, just as no one tries to get in a car accident. At the same time, it is interesting to know who was the main cause.

    For sound changes where, as a result of physical or physiological constraints, the speaker does not produce the canonical pronunciation and the listener fails to implement the normalization to recover the canonical pronunciation, the "blame" is divided between both parties. As noted, the listener is the final filter, but if I were the listener, I would surely argue with my insurance company that the speaker started it all by deviating from the canonical pronunciation.

    I agree that this is a trickier situation than the one where the speaker produces the canonical pronunciation and the listener misinterprets the speech signal for whatever reason.

    Camille Woodbury

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  4. My "anchor" in this issue is what the speaker intended: namely, to implement the 'norm' as she conceives it. In doing this she may produce side-effects that the listener interprets as essential to the norm. Thus the sound change.

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